False Memory Syndrome Foundation Lobbying Efforts: Stacked Witnesses, Backlash Legislation
The False Memory Syndrome Foundation’s lobbying efforts were started by Herman Ohme, who described himself as "the silent man behind the scenes who was going to change the CAPTA law” [1]. After a “relentless one-man lobbying campaign” which resulted in “legislation banning RMT [recovered memory therapy] in Texas,” Ohme was “contacted by FMS leaders in Florida and Illinois to help them lobby their legislators” and was asked to speak about the “lobbying techniques [Ohme] had used” as a “Keynote Speaker at the FL State FMS Convention in Orlando” and “Illinois State [FMS] Convention in Chicago.” [2]
Ohme went on to form a national lobbying organization with Bob Kocielny and Chris Barden titled the National Association for Consumer Protection Against Mental Health Practices (NACPMHP) in 1994. While this organization goes by another name, it is the head of FMSF lobbying efforts and it’s associated with the FMSF in the following ways:
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Members of the FMSF founded the NACPMHP [2]
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The NACPMHP was formed in a meeting of FMSF members “before the Illinois State FMS conference.” [2]
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The address listed for the NACPMHP was shared with the Illinois state FMS organization [3]
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The NACPMHP “enlisted and organized FMS leaders from each state that wanted to change state and federal laws against the practice of any unsafe or unproven therapy” as members of the NACPMHP. [2]
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38 state FMSF organizations were lobbying “under the banner of the national organization,” the NACPMHP [2]
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In personal correspondence, Ohme states the NACPHMP was founded because “Other FMSF state groups requested my help organizing their membership to introduce RMT legislation in their state… I couldn’t handle them all from my small home/office.” [4]
Ohme’s personal account of his lobbying efforts can be read in the March 2002 edition of the Ohio Association of Responsible Mental Health Practices (OARMHP) newsletter, the Ohio state branch of the FMSF.
“Lobbying Made Easy”
After successfully lobbying for legislation restricting psychotherapy practices in Texas, Herman Ohme produced and distributed an instructional packet to FMSF state chapters called “Lobbying Made Easy,” designed to help other FMSF chapters lobby for similar legislation in their states. The packet’s self description states that it contains “easy to understand and follow instructions on most effective methods to lobby local, state, and federal government to have laws changed or enacted.” The packet included a timetable of events, sample letters, and key legislators to target. It was originally designed for the Texas branch of the FMSF, but was used “very effectively” in Illinois and adapted for many other branches of the FMSF. [5]
The packet stated that the FMSF would “begin our attack” on January 1st, which Ohme described as “our D-Day.” [5]
Ohme stated that “we want to keep [our FMS bill] as quiet as possible, so we do not get the opposition out in force.” Furthermore, Ohme writes that “the great thing about our arrangement is we get to stack the witnesses, because we get to name who will be testifying.” [5]
FMSF Legislation: NACPMHP & The TRMP Act
The goal of “Lobbying Made Easy” was to pass “proposed FMS legislation” and an “FMS bill” regarding the statute of limitations and recovered memory therapy [5]. The original funding appeal to draft model legislation was entitled The Mental Health Consumer Protection Act (MHCP act), and was co-sponsored by the “Illinois FMS society, Ohio Parents Falsely Accused, Texas Friends of FMS, Minnesota Action Committee, and Florida Friends of FMS.” [6]
The NACPMHP was formed during the drafting of this legislation, and went on to propose the final version of the MHCP act, titled The Truth and Responsibility in Mental Health Practices Act (TRMP Act). Variations on this national template were proposed by FMSF organizers on a state-to-state basis.
Judith Simon covers these bills in detail in her article, “The Highly Misleading Truth and Responsibility in Mental Health Practices Act: The “False Memory” Movement's Remedy for a Nonexistent Problem.”
In Summary, the TRMP act and its variations would:
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Force therapists to disclose confidential information if their patients were victims of childhood abuse – allowing incestuous parents to request their children’s therapy records at will.
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Only allow therapists to practice techniques that are scientifically valid under criteria used for physical sciences (eg. physics, biology, chemistry), rendering most (if not all) mainstream psychotherapeutic treatments illegal.
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Audio or video taped lengthy informed consent procedures.
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Redefine expert witness testimony in support of sexual abuse accusations as “a psychological service,” allowing them to be sued.
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Permit third party (family) lawsuits against therapists.
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Allow a lengthy statute of limitations for third party (family) lawsuits against therapists [6]
In New Hampshire’s version of the TRMP act, “An Act Relative to Standards for Psychological Services" (HB 236), included a clause stating that “If an accused sex offender were to be convicted in that state and delayed memories of abuse were part of the evidence in the case, this amendment would require the accuser's therapist to be subjected to review by his or her licensing board.” [7]
An analysis of HB236 in particular can be found on Harold J. Bursztajn’s website.
“The APA Practice Directorate, in 1995, sent out as an action alert an analysis of these types of bills to all state psychological associations. The alert asked the associations to be watching for such legislation and to notify the Practice Directorate should any be introduced.” [7]
The Georgia Psychological Association and the Indiana Psychological Association successfully combated versions of the TRMP act proposed in their states. [7]
For a thorough review of the TRMP act, read “Analysis of the Truth and Responsibility in Mental Health Practices Act and similar proposals” by Hinnefeld & Newman.
“The so-called Truth and Responsibility in Mental Health Practices Act (1995) and other similar proposals are poorly conceived and would impose significant and unnecessary burdens on the state regulatory and judicial systems. These proposals attempt to restrict the decisions of patients and therapists and impose onerous consent and reimbursement requirements that are costly, confusing, and unduly limiting. The proponents of the legislation ignore the fact that courts, state regulatory authorities, and the professional community already have adequate mechanisms for enforcing standards of practice and ethics and for sanctioning those who disregard them. In short, this legislation is unnecessary and would harm rather than help patients and their families.” [7]
Legislation Opposed by the FMSF
Child Abuse Accountability Act
The Child Abuse Accountability Act allows those who “successfully sue for damages as a result of childhood sexual abuse to garnish the federal pensions of their abusers.” The act was introduced because of the Simone case. It involves two sisters who successfully sued their father for sexual abuse, but were unable to be financially compensated for the damages because his federal pension was his only asset. This act allows future victims to receive compensation for proven childhood abuse.
Proponents of False Memory Syndrome lobbied to stop the passage of the bill through the Senate. This was despite the fact that the Child Abuse Accountability Act has nothing to do with the reliability of memory – including the original Simone case, many cases of childhood abuse proven in court involve continuous memories of abuse. These actions attempted to block victims of childhood abuse from receiving compensation. However, their lobbying efforts were unsuccessful, and they were unable to garner even a single opposing vote.
This case, the legislation, and the resulting lobbying efforts by the FMSF are covered by Sherry Quirk and Anne DePrince in their article entitled “Backlash Legislation Targeting Psychotherapists.” [6]
Child Abuse Protection and Treatment Act (CAPTA)
The Child Abuse Protection and Treatment Act was the first federal legislation responding to child abuse. It was signed into law in 1974 by President Richard Nixon – although critics often refer to the law as the Mondale Act, named after the liberal Minnesota Democrat who introduced the legislation. The Act authorized demonstration grants and provided funding for child protective service systems and foster care. States were required to establish child-abuse reporting systems in order to be eligible for funding.
CAPTA quickly became the scapegoat for those claiming to have been wronged by accusations of child abuse in family court or in criminal court. “Father’s rights” groups joined the False Memory Syndrome Foundation and others in railing against CAPTA for fueling the “child abuse industry.” The false premise of that claim was that CAPTA created an incentive to “find” abuse. In fact, CAPTA money was distributed by a formula based entirely on the number of children under 18 residing in the state. [8]
In 1994, there was a joint effort between Ohme, Richard Gardner, and Carol Hopkins to “change the CAPTA laws,” which they viewed as “the root cause of the child sex abuse hysteria and false accusations.” Using his influence with the “[Republican] party in control,” – specifically with Senator Dan Coats – Ohme reports that “Our team was successful in correcting some of the worst features of the old CAPTA law but were blocked from deleting the "mandatory reporting" feature.” [2]
CAPTA was amended in 1996. Conservative Republicans sponsored a bill, supported by the FMSF and others, that would have eliminated child abuse reporting requirements. That provision did not pass, but the law was amended to include new provisions to distinguish false claims from those labeled unsubstantiated. As it turns out, that change has helped document the low incidence of false allegations of child sexual abuse.
Statute of Limitations
When the Senate Judiciary Committee heard testimony from victims of sexual abuse in 1994, Pamela Freyd was the only person who testified in opposition of raising the statue of limitations for cases of sexual abuse. The statute of limitations is the fixed period of time in which legal charges can be brought after an incident has occurred. Raising the statute of limitations would allow survivors – with continuous or recovered memories – to pursue justice for abuse that occurred years before, after realizing they were abused.
Pamela Freyd expressed the concern that extending the statute of limitations “may create more tarnished reputations,” urging the committee to amend the bill to “encourage and emphasize alternative means of resolving these matters other than courts.” [9]
Citations
[1] Ohme, Herman. (1999, November 19). “Confidential, Please.” Personal email correspondence.
[2] Ohme, Herman. (2002, March). It felt something like the WTC Towers 9-11 attack. Ohio Association of Responsible Mental Health Practices (OARMHP) Newsletter.
[3] Simon, Judith. (1995). The Highly Misleading Truth and Responsibility in Mental Health Practices Act: The “False Memory” Movement’s Remedy for a Nonexistent Problem. Moving Forward, 3(3), 12-21.
[4] Ohme, Herman. (1999, October 12). “INQUIRing People Want 2 Know.” Personal email correspondence.
[5] Ohme, Herman. (1995, March 2). Lobbying Made Easy. Just Follow the Step by Step Instructions For the Next Twelve Pages and Watch New State Laws Enacted Before Your Eyes. [Instructional Package]. Unpublished.
[6] Quirk, Sherry & DePrince, Anne. (1995). Backlash legislation targeting psychotherapists. The Journal of Psychohistory, 22(3), 258. Retrieved from https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/backlash-legislation-targeting-psychotherapists/docview/1305589897/se-2
[7] Hinnefeld, B., & Newman, R. (1997). Analysis of the Truth and Responsibility in Mental Health Practices Act and similar proposals. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 28(6), 537–543. https://doi.org/10.1037/0735-7028.28.6.537
[8] Cheit, R. E. (2014). The witch-hunt narrative: Politics, psychology, and the sexual abuse of children. Oxford University Press. p. 485
[9] Senate Judiciary Committee, Commonwealth of Pennsylvania; May 24, 1994, p. 5-7
